There are political declarations that require translation, and others whose authors have kindly spared us the trouble.
A group of activists affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America has signed a pledge to “support” and “defend” Chinese socialism.
They put it in writing. Always helpful.
The pledge comes from Friends of Socialist China, a London-based organization that says its mission is to support the People’s Republic and promote a better understanding of its political system.
The New York Post identified 11 signers who described themselves as DSA members or participants in its International Committee. The Times of London counted more than a dozen.
This is not, as far as the available evidence shows, an official declaration by the entire DSA. That distinction matters. But so does the fact that activists associated with the organization’s international work felt comfortable signing it.
The language is striking because it contains none of the usual evasions.
“We resolve to support, defend and build understanding of Chinese socialism,” the pledge says.
Defend it from whom? Presumably from those who have noticed what the Chinese Communist Party does when citizens criticize the government, organize independently or insist that political leaders should answer to the public.
The pledge has much to say about the failures of capitalism. It describes the system as incapable of addressing poverty and inequality, then holds up China as a central force in humanity’s “global transition to socialism.”
“The continued survival of Chinese socialism is a crucial matter not only for the Chinese people but for all humanity,” it declares.
That is quite a claim. Humanity has had many problems, but insufficient devotion to Beijing is not commonly listed among them.
The signers’ enthusiasm did not emerge from nowhere.
The DSA previously launched a seminar series on “modern China and lessons for US socialists.” One early discussion reportedly described China as a “strong democracy,” an assessment that might surprise the dissidents, religious minorities and journalists who have encountered Beijing’s understanding of free expression.
A five-person DSA delegation also traveled to China for events marking the 80th anniversary of Japan’s defeat in World War II.
New York City DSA member Dee Knight later wrote that Beijing “buzzed with excitement” during the visit. His account appeared in the DSA-affiliated Socialist Forum.
Again, none of this establishes that every DSA member supports the Chinese government. Large political organizations contain factions, eccentrics and people whose enthusiasm exceeds their judgment.
But the DSA is no longer a debating society operating from a church basement. Its members and endorsed candidates now hold real power. New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is its most prominent political success.
That makes the movement’s ideas fair game for public examination.
Americans are often told that modern socialism simply means cheaper housing, generous public programs and Scandinavian-style benefits. Then someone signs a declaration promising to defend Beijing, and the sales pitch becomes harder to maintain.
They wanted Americans to understand where they stand.
On this question, at least, they have succeeded.
